BBC elections 2017: “Real fact check: where are the parties on the Irish border?” Information on NI trade and the views of the NI contracting parties at the border. 8 However, these cross-border institutional and economic agreements were an integral part and were based on a broader political compromise between nationalism and unionism. In exchange for such an open border with the executive`s cross-border cooperation institutions (Strand 2) shared between Belfast and Dublin, and in exchange for new power-sharing institutions in Northern Ireland (Strand 1), Dublin agreed to revise Articles 2 and 3 of its Constitution, explicitly supporting the principle of approval and abandoning its territorial right to Northern Ireland. Instead, it recognized the Isle of Ireland as a common territory and the right of the people of Northern Ireland to freely choose Irish and/or British citizens. Such constitutional reform had long been a great demand of the Northern Ireland Unionist community. At the same time, London and Dublin agreed that northern Ireland`s status could not be changed until a majority in the north and south of Ireland accepted such a change with two simultaneous referendums. The current invisibility of the soft Irish border and the absence of border controls are therefore endemically linked to the entire constitutional and institutional framework agreed in 1998. “The Times” Editorial (Feb 7, 18) — Dublin Down. The government`s inability to explain how it will avoid a hard border in Ireland could further derail Brexit talks. A customs regime could be part of the solution.
(Added Feb 8, 18). After the publication of the Joint Report Phase 1, De Rynck tweeted dr. Hayward`s article on Brexit allows three different types of Irish borders (Article 49 of the Joint Report) for the Irish Times of 10 December 17. 6 This very brief historical sketch of the evolution of cross-border social and commercial flows since 1973 shows that the socio-economic normalization of the Irish border is not only the result of European decisions and influences. Above all, it is a direct result of the evolution of relations between London and Dublin on the issue of Northern Ireland in the wider context of Europe. The Irish border, which has been an intra-European border since 1973, facilitated the conclusion of a finely balanced political compromise on the whole of Ireland and on the internal dimensions of the Northern Irish problem.4 b) Peter Hain (30 January 18): Speech in the House of Lords on the Law of Withdrawal from Europe. – “No one who truly understands the complexity and dangers of politics on the island of Ireland seriously believes that open borders can be achieved without Northern Ireland remaining in the same internal market and customs union as the Republic of Ireland.” As can be seen, Lord Hain agrees with the ICTU`s view (see above) that “the best and most logical way to avoid a hard border is for the UK as a whole to remain in both the internal market and the customs union.” (Added 10 Feb18). Firstly, the agreement was established in both countries by accepting EU membership. As a result, issues relating to different business practices have simply not been addressed.
Mark Lindsay (Northern Ireland Police Federation) spoke of his fears of governing a hard border (23 January 17). It will be “the task of the police offering this protection to these agencies [i.e. customs and excise, the border agency]. That puts our officers in the firing line. The 27 EU Member States and the United States are a sign of unprecedented solidarity